Kashmir had been India’s big story for a while, a national challenge and an international theatre. The story had begun with the partition of the subcontinent itself, but never assumed as much urgency as with the outbreak of the militant armed rebellion challenging India’s sovereignty over the territory and its inhabitants, sparked by the rigged elections of 1987.
The keywords ‘Kashmiri Women’ fetch two very different and almost contradictory sets of images on the internet as representations of who Kashmiri women are. One set of images focuses on visualising Kashmiri women as these young and fair women, who dress brightly in traditional clothes and are always readily and naively smiling into the camera. The other set of depictions come with grim overtones and consist of visibly distressed, pale middle-aged women in a state of mourning.
This short commentary is a re-thinking of the final verdict of the Case of Col. Jagmohan Singh And Ors. vs The State Of Manipur And Ors., more popularly known as the Thangjam Manorama case. Due to the prominence of the case, I have not recounted it here. The ghastly nature of the way the body of Manorama bears witness to torture led to the historic naked protests by the mothers of Manipur in front of the Kangla Fort in 2004.
9 years ago, on 19th July began arguably the biggest revolution of the twenty-first century in Rojava. This revolution not only inspired hope around the world for the anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist fights, but it also became a beacon of a socialist-feminist alternative to the nation-state. In their search for a homeland, the displaced Kurdish revolutionaries lodged a fight against capitalism, fascism, imperialism and patriarchy together, and dared to establish an autonomous, democratic, eco-friendly, and equal society.
V Ramaswamy Long before the name of Comrade Sharmistha Choudhury became well known as a political prisoner during the Bhangar movement, she was a dedicated worker and leader of the Communist mass movement. As a student, she was first associated with the PCSA group in Presidency College. Then she was with the CRS group. But …
One of Ghandy’s inquiries into the early debates about the caste question within Indian Marxist politics, in addition to the actual addressing of the question itself, is the acknowledgment that casteism inhabits both the base and the superstructure. She substantiates this claim by explaining how the beginnings of the caste system lay in the period of transition from a simple tribal economy to a surplus-extracting agricultural economy, in the subjugation of the tribal communities through wars and their forcible assimilation into the village culture.